Manuel Mogato | April 27, 2026

MANILA — The Armed Forces of the Philippines has warned that young and idealistic university students in Manila were being recruited to join the Maoist-led rebels fighting the government for more than half a century.

The Communist Party of the Philippines, formed in December 1968, and its military arm, the New People’s Army (NPA), have been waging a protracted guerrilla warfare to overthrow a duly elected government. (Also read: The Philippines develops a new defense strategy: “Tatak Kapuluan”)

It has not succeeded, but the rebellion persisted in a few areas in the country, such as the Davao and Caraga regions in Mindanao, and the islands of Samar, Negros, and Mindoro.

Recently, a University of the Philippines (UP) student was killed along with 18 other rebels when they chose to shoot it out with Army soldiers in northern Negros.

Two of the rebels’ fatalities were young activists from the United States, who were descendants of Filipino families that migrated to California.

The death of the UP student and two Filipino-Americans was a disturbing development in the long-drawn insurgency problem in the Philippines.

The military claimed it had reduced the Communist rebels’ strength to not more than 1,000 fighters as it slowly shifted to external and territorial defense. (Also read: Reconfiguring Philippine defense forces)

It is true that the old Communist cadres, who were mostly products of the First Quarter Storm student activism in the early 1970s, were gone.

Former UP professor Jose Maria Sison, who founded the Maoist-oriented rebel movement, is long dead, and so are the top leaders, Benito and Wilma Tiamson.

But the rebel movement continued to attract recruits, not only from the Manila universities, but from the United States.

This is the disturbing part — recruits from abroad.

However, a more dangerous trend has emerged in the country — the recruitment of mercenaries to fight for Ukraine.

Filipinos have no business in fighting either for Ukraine or Russia. That is not a Filipino war.

However, the lure of a lucrative payout for the mercenaries outweighed the danger of fighting for either side.

As of early 2026, there were reports that more than 20,000 foreign mercenaries from dozens of countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America are serving in the Ukrainian Armed Forces — about 2 percent of Ukraine’s total military strength.

These mercenaries sign contracts, receive legal residency support, and serve alongside Ukrainian soldiers, although they might be breaking laws in their own countries for fighting abroad.

For instance, there are stricter laws in Australia and South Korea for their citizens serving under foreign Armed Forces.

But the Philippines has no laws barring its citizens from serving foreign governments. During the Gulf War, many soldiers and police officers filed a long vacation leave to serve in the US Armed Forces as perimeter guards in Iraq and Afghanistan.

They returned to active military and police services after serving one or two tours in the Middle East and Afghanistan.

Of course, they were doing it for the money. Thus, the Ukrainian recruitment offer is very enticing - $5,000 a month pay. A one-year stint gives the mercenaries $60,000 if they survive.

The longer these Filipino mercenaries stay in Ukraine, the larger paycheck they get from Kyiv.

If ideology is attracting students to join local Maoist-led insurgents, money has been driving missionaries to join the war in Ukraine.

After the recruitment in the Ukraine war was exposed in the local media, the Department of Foreign Affairs has yet to come up with a detailed report, identifying the Filipinos in the service of the Ukrainian or Russian armed forces. (Also read: The Strategic Intelligence Assessment on Ukraine Putin Underestimated (Part I))

There had been media reports that identified human trafficking centers in the United States and Western Europe that recruit Filipinos to fight for Ukraine.

But nothing has come out from the DFA or from the Armed Forces of the Philippines. There were only anecdotal reports, but no concrete investigation.

If Filipino-Americans were joining the NPAs, the Filipinos recruited to Ukraine are more alarming.

The most troubling reports concern Ukraine’s embassy in linking up with universities in Manila for students seeking adventure in Eastern Europe. (Also read: PH, Ukraine forge stronger alliance amid rising global security threats)

Ukraine’s embassy might also be approaching foreign nationals in Manila, offering high salaries and a possibility of obtaining European citizenship after the conflict.

Ukraine has been sending foreign mercenaries to the most dangerous fronts, resulting in higher casualties among non-Ukrainian fighters.

Most of these mercenaries were no longer paid for their services, and most were listed as missing in the war.

Filipino-Americans killed in the insurgency war in the Philippines are luckier because they can be given a decent burial when their bodies are returned to their families.

In Ukraine, the mercenaries are forgotten.

Manuel Mogato | April 27, 2026

MANILA — At a recent South Asian country’s diplomatic reception, the Russian ambassador was literally mobbed by diplomats due to one particular interest — Russian crude supply.

Everybody seems interested to talk to the Russian envoy when before the war in Iran, most diplomats in Manila do not show interest with him. (Also read: Russian oil could save the Philippines’ supply woes)

Moscow’s ambassador is often left chatting with a few diplomats.

On a larger scale, Southeast Asian states have shown tremendous interest in sourcing oil supply from Russia after the United States extended its waiver of buying Russian crude by another month to May 16.

Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam have expressed interests in acquiring crude oil from the Russian Far East, which is much closer from the Middle East.

So far, only the Philippines has bought from Russia after Petron, a privately-owned oil refinery, signed a contract for 2.48 million barrels from Russian’s Far East. (Also read: Friends to all, enemies to no one)

Petron lost about 4 million barrels when the Strait of Hormuz was closed in late February due to the war with Israel and the United States.

Malaysian and Indonesian leaders have visited Moscow recently although there were no reports if oil deals were secured.

Only Jakarta made an announcement that Moscow had promised to export about 150 million barrels of crude oil.

Russia has become the viable alternative source of energy products to the Middle East in terms of distance and volume.

It seemed impossible for most Southeast Asian states to source crude oil from West Africa, Latin America, and from the North America.

For instance, Russia has about 200 million barrels of crude oil floating in tankers around the world and ready to be shipped to customers.

But sanctions imposed by European states and the United States prevented Russia from selling oil to other countries apart from China, India, and other countries with closer relations.

China, alone, is Russia’s largest customer of crude oil, with with nearly a fifth of global supply coming from Russia in 2024, or about 2.2 million barrels per day.

Western countries have been preventing Russia from trading its oil to prevent Moscow from a lucrative source of revenues to fund the war in Ukraine.

Ukraine has also criticized the US decision to extend the waiver, but Washington has no choice because most of its allies needed oil as supply from the Middle East dwindled.

The United States lifted sanctions on Russia, allowing it to sell crude oil for a month until April 11 as global pump prices soar and supply tightened after bombing Iran in late February through March.

Buying oil from Russia may likely create frictions with the United States, Europe, and Ukraine in the long term.

But, for most Southeast Asian nations, they are not concerned with diplomatic repercussions from the United States, Europe and Ukraine for buying crude oil from Russia.

They are more concerned with domestic social and economic pressures to feed their oil-thirsty industry, including transportation, agriculture, and power.

These Southeast Asian states, of course, has to balance between short-term need for oil supply and long-term relations with powerful allies, such as the United States and Europe.

Thus, the Philippines, the most staunchly security ally of the United States in the region, heaved a sigh of relief that Washington extended its waiver. (Also read: US plans to set up fuel storage facilities in Mindanao)

However, the steady flow of Russian oil is also doubtful because most of its production goes to China and India.

Fewer supply can be sent to the Philippines and other Southeast Asian states. Its own production were also affected by Ukrainian attacks in the Baltic and Black Sea.

For now, Russia is still the most viable alternative source of fuel supply until the conflict in the Middle East ends as well as in Ukraine.

In June, Southeast Asian countries can further explore oil cooperation with Russia when Moscow hosts an ASEAN-Russia meeting in Kazan.

It will be an opportunity for Southeast Asian states to secure oil deals with Russia if the conflict drags on for months.

Thus, the Russian ambassador in Manila, and perhaps, in other Southeast Asian capitals, will remain popular during diplomatic receptions in the the time being.

President Vladimir Putin meeting with permanent members of the Security Council (via videoconference). Photo handout.

COL Dencio S. Acop (Ret), PhD, CPP | April 24, 2026

My study paper at the Intelligence School when I took my Strategic Intelligence Course had been on Ukraine. Humility aside, it was the top paper. When Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, the points I raised in the study were validated. Not only were they validated as they proved intractable, but the points raised also illustrated that Ukraine’s strengths were foundational to its resilience, overcoming its vulnerabilities, and welcoming to the modern innovations of today. Astute leaders planning to invade Ukraine would have thought twice about pushing through with their offensive unless they were well convinced that decisive victory could be attained within a reasonable amount of time and casualties. If he wasn’t in such haste and rage, Vladimir Putin could have read Ukraine’s most probable course of action and made it his own. But, overtaken by overconfidence, much of it owing to Russia’s nuclear arsenal which Ukraine had none, the Russian leader thought Ukraine was ripe for the taking in just a few days. It must be recalled that Ukraine had given up its stockpile of nuclear weapons to Russia in exchange for its trusted support (along with that of the United States) after the collapse of the Soviet Union. But Ukraine was more than just an adjunct of Russian power. It was itself a power. That is why the Ukraine invasion could never have been Putin’s Six-Day War. Ukraine as Russia’s Second Afghanistan War is more like it. This updated assessment illustrates this.

MILITARY GEOGRAPHIC INTELLIGENCE

VULNERABILITIES:

Prone to attacks from its neighbors

Historically, Ukraine has been prone to attacks from its neighbors. Its 4,558 kms of land boundaries and some 1,959 kms of sea borders with neighboring countries have, in the past, made Ukraine susceptible to consistent intrusions oftentimes resulting in its occupation by foreigners (Russia, Poland, Turkey, Hungary – 14^th – 18^th centuries). Ukraine’s strategic position at the crossroads between Europe and Asia, along with its fertile plains have likewise contributed to its attractiveness to nearby and other states conducting commercial traffic. Once attacked, Ukraine’s accessibility from the Black Sea and its inland waterways, primarily the Dnieper River, have, in the past, facilitated the incursion by any invading force into its territory. Today, such intrusions are not so simplistic without inviting criticism from the international community. Nevertheless, the potential has always been there given Ukraine’s geography.

Vulnerabilities associated with its climate

Ukraine’s extreme winter conditions, especially along the Black Sea areas in the south, limit the country’s productive economic and military activities. Ukraine has long, harsh winters in the south which practically interrupt the otherwise normal traffic of regular economic and military routines in these affected areas.

Susceptibility to border disputes and other border-related issues

Ukraine’s long borders, land or sea, with its neighbors invite disputes especially if there are economic benefits to be derived. A case in point was Ukraine’s dispute with Romania over a continental shelf issue in the Black Sea under which significant gas and oil deposits were discovered. Ukraine’s long borders with neighboring countries have also invited smuggling of humans and goods, including illicit drugs. And, of course, there is neighboring Russia.

Environmental vulnerabilities

Environmental concerns abound in Ukraine. These include inadequate supply of potable water, air and water pollution, deforestation, and radiation contamination in the northeast from the 1986 Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant disaster. Of these, the most serious concerns are those associated with radiation fallout from the Chernobyl accident which persists to this day.

CAPABILITIES

Strategic location

Due to its location at the crossroads between two continents, Ukraine has easy access to mutually beneficial trade with resource-rich neighboring countries across Europe and Asia.

Military capabilities associated with geography

The Carpathian Mountains in the west and the Black Sea in the south afford Ukraine these natural defenses. In the past, countries like Turkey, Poland, and Romania would have invaded sooner and easier had it not been for the natural obstacles posed by these terrain features. The Black Sea has also provided a natural haven for Ukraine’s navy (surface and sub-surface). Another geographical advantage are the numerous inland waterways (4,400 kms total length) practically traversing the entire territory of Ukraine linking its major cities and acting as an excellent alternate means of transport in peace and war. Still another natural feature that favors ground materiel is Ukraine’s vast plains which cover nearly two thirds of the country’s surface. This terrain feature is very favorable to battle tanks and other armored assets of which Ukraine has vast amounts. Of course, the opposite is also true. While Ukraine’s vast plains are conducive to the army’s defense, they are likewise advantageous to the enemy’s offense. Finally, Ukraine’s compactness has given it the advantage of developing unity / nationalism brought about by relative homogeneity in key cultural factors such as language, ethnicity, and religion.

Military capabilities associated with climate

Ukraine’s harsh and long winters may hinder economic and military progress, but these are likewise assets against a potential invader. No rational invader would dare risk the chances of victory or the mounting of casualties during an attack in winter. The French army under Napoleon Bonaparte learned this lesson when it invaded Moscow and its infantry inadvertently got caught in Russia’s long winters due to the great length of time it took to travel between France and the eastern front. The Germans too repeated this folly and learned the same lesson in World War II.

SOCIOLOGICAL INTELLIGENCE

VULNERABILITIES

Diminishing population growth rate and high migration rate

Ukraine has one of the world’s most rapidly diminishing population growth rates, characterized by a severe demographic crisis. The population has dropped from roughly 42 million before the 2022 invasion to below 36 million, driven by high war-related deaths, low birth rates, and millions of refugees fleeing abroad.

Media

Freedom of the press is both a vulnerability as well as a capability. It is a vulnerability in so far as it is utilized by powerful sectors of Ukrainian society to influence formulation and subsequent implementation of public policy that undermines, rather than promotes, their larger national interest. In Ukraine, the media, along with the political opposition and the church are influential pressure groups.

CAPABILITIES

Social Unity and Cohesion

Unity and cohesion characterize the Ukrainian people. Despite its history of having been repeatedly conquered by other nations (especially its neighbors), most recently Russia, Ukraine has managed to remain united as a people, further enhanced by its finally becoming an independent nation in 1991. It is assessed that apart from its being compact which plays a large part in Ukraine’s oneness, certain sociological factors have likewise been at play throughout Ukraine’s existence. These factors all translate into Ukrainian nationalism which has kept the country united. First, the people are ethnically almost homogeneous, with roughly 78% identifying as ethnic Ukrainians. It must be noted that Ukraine was forcibly made a part of the former USSR for seven decades, thus accounting for the Russian minority population (22%) in Ukraine’s territory. Second, the pattern of language coherence follows that of the ethnic homogeneity described. And third, Ukraine’s religious inclinations also basically align with the same identified pattern. Almost all Ukrainians are Orthodox Christians which they have been since the reign of St. Vladimir the Great in 988. Overall, therefore, the Ukrainians are among the most sociologically united peoples in the world. Their strong unity and cohesion have sustained them through extreme adversity in the past and most recently against Russia’s invasion.

Superior Literacy

Ukraine boasts an exceptionally high, near-universal adult literacy rate of about 99.97%, consistently ranking among the top countries worldwide. This fact is unsurprising given Ukraine’s huge number of colleges and universities. At one time, Ukraine had 70,000 scholars in 80 research institutes making the country a leader in education, science, and technology. When it still had its nuclear weapons, Ukraine was seventh among the world’s nuclear powers just behind the US, UK, Russia, France, Japan, and Germany. Ukraine’s superiority in literacy is an attribute serving it well especially in its current conflict with Russia. For instance, its drone technology has been one of the key factors that has kept it competitive through the ongoing war.

The Role of Media

As earlier stated, media can either be a state’s ally or enemy depending upon how it is effectively utilized. This constitutionally mandated freedom has performed the role of state enhancer in so far as it has been utilized by Ukraine to galvanize state support from defense allies, especially NATO and the US, against Russia.

ECONOMIC INTELLIGENCE

VULNERABILITIES

Weak Economy

Ukraine’s economy is currently struggling and classified as weak due to the devastating impact of the Russian invasion, which caused a 30% GDP contraction beginning in 2022. The war has severely damaged infrastructure, resulted in massive labor shortages, and created extreme dependence on Western financial aid. The government is spending roughly 60% of its budget on defense, with a significant, ongoing budget deficit. Public debt is high and expected to rise to 106% of GDP in 2026. Before the war, Ukraine was already considered an underachiever with slow growth, often hindered by systemic corruption and mismanagement, causing it to fall behind other Eastern European countries. But, despite the crisis, the economy has shown resilience, with some growth reported in 2023-2024 due to international support and adaptive domestic production, although the overall situation remains precarious.

Challenged power industry

Although Ukraine had been acknowledged as a nuclear power, its power industry has been characterized by inefficiency due in large part to centralization. Thus, Ukraine’s power industry is currently undergoing a massive, security-driven transition from a centralized, fossil-fuel-reliant system to a decentralized, secure, and resilient energy system to endure the war while aligning with EU energy standards. While losing some 35% of its consumption and over half its capacity to attacks, the system survives through European interconnection, repairs, and rapid deployment of renewable, solar, and small-scale gas generation.

CAPABILITIES

Rich in natural resources

Unlike most republics of the former USSR, Ukraine is a country that is rich in natural resources. The next most important economic component, after Russia, of the former Soviet Union, Ukraine produced more than one-fourth of total Soviet agricultural output, 50% of Soviet iron ore, and 40% of the world’s manganese ore. Ukraine’s agricultural produce includes grain, sugar beets, vegetables, sunflower seeds, beef, timber, and milk. Mineral resources include iron ore, coal, manganese, natural gas, oil, salt, sulphur, graphite, titanium, magnesium, kaolin, nickel, and mercury. Where Ukraine’s trade faltered, challenging its outward economy, the country’s self-sufficiency in resources seemed locally more promising sustaining its war effort.

Leader in nuclear energy

Ukraine remains a major leader in nuclear energy production, with nuclear power providing roughly 50%, and at times 60%, of the country’s electricity as of 2024-2025. Despite losing control of the 6-reactor Zaporizhzhia plant to Russian occupation, Ukraine still operates three other plants and plans to expand its capacity with new reactors.

Available Human Factor for a War Economy

As of early 2026, entering the fourth year of full-scale war, Ukraine’s available human factor for a war economy is under extreme strain, characterized by “catastrophic” labor shortages in technical sectors, mass mobilization, and significant demographic loss. While the labor market has shown resilience, with unemployment trending down to an estimated 16%, the available workforce is heavily skewed by the emigration of approximately 6-7 million refugees, mostly women and children. The Ukrainian government is balancing the need to fill the military ranks against the necessity of keeping the economy afloat to support the war effort, leading to a “warped” labor market where labor shortages are acute despite the ongoing war.

Russian Pipelines

Russia’s vulnerability is Ukraine’s capability as far as the former’s westward oil and gas pipelines are concerned. Apparently, the opposite is also true, evidenced by Russia’s invasion. The pipelines, for years, have kept Russia in check, at least until 2022. Aside from easy access to imported oil and gas from Russia, Ukraine had been able to bargain for some economic concessions (quid-pro-quo) vis-à-vis Russia’s use of Ukraine’s Black Sea ports (up until Russia annexed Crimea in 2014) and territory for its pipelines.

Leader in Arms Trade

Before the war with Russia, Ukraine had been among the world’s leading suppliers to the international arms trade, supplying between $200 million to $1 billion from 1992-1998, for instance, which escalated through the decades after. Today, Ukraine is no longer a top-tier exporter but has become the world’s largest arms importer. Following the invasion, it became the top recipient of major arms in 2021-2025, accounting for nearly 10% of global imports. While its domestic industry is innovating, particularly in drones, its role has shifted from a major supplier to a major recipient.

POLITICAL INTELLIGENCE

VULNERABILITIES

Transition to Democracy Still Volatile

Ukraine’s transition from centralism to democracy is headed towards the right direction but still volatile. Currently, it is challenged by the existential pressures of the war with Russia, which has halted elections and strained democratic institutions, according to the BTI 2024 Ukraine Country Report. While the country has a robust civil society and strong, democratic public aspirations, it faces significant, ongoing challenges, including wartime governance and elections, democratic consolidation, institutional challenges, and corruption reforms. Despite these challenges, Ukraine is seen as a resilient, vibrant democracy, with a strong civil society, and high public support for Euro-Atlantic integration.

International Pressure on National Policy

Another vulnerability of Ukraine is with regards to unavoidable international pressure on its national policies. International pressure on Ukraine’s national policy is heavily driven by the need for security, economic aid, and reforms, balancing dependence on Western support with intense pressure for concessions. Key pressure points include demands for anti-corruption measures, military restraint, and negotiating a peace deal, amid fears of reduced support from key allies, particularly the US. The change in US administration has been described as a pivotal point, with pressure mounting to accept a peace deal. However, the Ukrainian people and leadership are resisting premature negotiations, with many prioritizing long-term, national security. Meanwhile, the EU is being urged to take a bigger role in supporting Ukraine, preparing for potential shifts in US policy.

CAPABILITIES

Enhanced Self-determination

The Ukraine of today is a different Ukraine. It has transformed itself from a mere puppet regime of the former Soviet Union or of Russia to an independent republic capable of determining its own national destiny free of domination by another country. This is its most potent capability. Ukraine is now capable of charting its own future based on the people’s choice manifested through democratic elections and implemented according to the values and ideals institutionalized in the 1996 Ukrainian Constitution. Like any other nation in the world, Ukraine has strived to preserve its existence and sustain its power. Its national interests will always come first before those of others. Finally attaining its elusive independence in 1991, Ukraine has done everything possible to sustain this political gain. It has thereafter developed its economic production followed by the equitable distribution of the national wealth gained. To achieve these objectives, Ukraine has interacted with the community of nations. In today’s global village, no isolationist nation can survive. Ukraine signed a long-delayed friendship treaty with Russia in May 1997 settling long-term disputes including sharing of the Black Sea fleet and the Crimean issue. It turned over strategic weapons of the former USSR to Russia following an accord with both Russia and the US in 1994 in exchange for defense assurances and better trade with Russia. Because of these strategic moves, Ukraine, for a time, became an ally of both Russia and the US. Additionally, cooperation between NATO and Ukraine gathered momentum. All these changed when Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022.

Institutionalized Checks and Balances

Another notable capability of Ukraine’s political system is the structure of checks and balances that are in place. This system of checks and balances is enshrined in a constitution, the fundamental law of the land. Political power is shared by three independent branches of government: the executive, legislative, and judicial. Moreover, the system allows for multiple political parties with their own respective platforms of governance. Finally, pressure groups become the third major component of Ukraine’s system of checks and balances that fiscalize Ukraine’s management of its public affairs. They include the media, political oppositionist groups, labor, and the church. The implication of this institutionalized system of checks and balances is Ukraine’s capacity to come up with decisions that are fully representative of the national will, instead of just a few, biased minority.

(TO BE CONTINUED)

⁨Philippine Army and US Army Pacific 25th Infantry Division troops conduct a bilateral squad live-fire during Exercise Salaknib 2026 in Fort Magsaysay, Nueva Ecija.⁩ Photo taken from Philippine Army Facebook page.

Manuel Mogato | April 24, 2026

The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) is not equipped, trained, or tasked to fight external threats.

Since the country’s independence from the United States in July 1946, its military has been trained, equipped, and oriented for pacification missions — quelling agrarian unrest in the countryside.

During the war, pro-American guerrillas were sabotaging and fighting Japanese occupation forces alongside Communist-inspired HUKBALAP fighters in central Luzon.

But, after the war, the HUKs continued to fight the government, demanding distribution of farms to landless peasants nationwide.

In the late 1960s, the HUKs and the Soviet-backed Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PK) were replaced by the Maoist-led Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its armed wing, the New People’s Army (NPA).

Although Filipinos fought gallantly in Korea in the 1950s, the country did not have experience in fighting conventional warfare in the succeeding years until today.

Filipino soldiers were only sent on peacekeeping duties from the 1960s in Congo to the most recent in monitoring the ceasefire between Cambodia and Thailand.

The Philippines has always depended on the United States for external defense, as Washington maintained two large overseas bases in Clark and Subic until the Philippine Senate voted to end the bases agreement in September 1991.

When the last American sailor left in November 1992, the Philippines learned the truth — it has zero external defense capability.

The air force has limited radar coverage and no fighters to interdict intruders. Its navy has no submarines, no minesweepers, no credible surface combatants. The Air Force and Navy had no missiles.

Most of the assets were World War II-vintage and Vietnam War era helicopters.

The ground forces grew, expanding the number of infantry battalions, but were structured to fight an insurgency.

When the modernization program was introduced in 1995, the Army was supposed to be trimmed to three infantry divisions and eight separate infantry brigades.

The military was supposed to invest in defense systems for the air force and the navy, reducing manpower to save on costs.

A generation later, the Philippines had failed to implement these reforms. Worse, the Army grew fatter to 11 infantry divisions as internal threats worsened in the early 2000s - the resurgence of the NPAs and the emergence of Islamist militants with links to international terrorist groups.

With both Islamist militants and Communist rebels reduced to almost insignificant threats, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has ordered the military to shift to external defense.

But there have been no significant changes in the armed forces’ structure, organization, equipage, and training.

Although Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro Jr has unveiled the Comprehensive Archipelagic Defense Concept (CADC), the Armed Forces still have to implement its transformation into an external defense force.

The Army is still configured as a territorial force spread across the archipelago, and neither the Air Force nor the Navy has expanded their personnel to reflect the increasing number of vessels and aircraft.

In other countries, such as Germany and Japan, the armed forces have been downsized due to fewer recruits joining the military.

In the Philippines, the number of people joining the military continued to increase. However, these recruits should be trained in new combat skills and technical expertise, such as operating, maintaining, and sustaining modern vessels, aircraft, drones, and missile systems.

Reducing the number of infantry divisions would also lessen the budget for personnel services, freeing money to acquire, maintain, and sustain new combat equipment and systems.

It’s about time the Philippines pays attention to maritime operations, creating commands to deter threats from the sea and strengthen its anti-access and area denial (A2AD) capabilities.

Both the Navy and Air Force must invest in cheaper unmanned sea and air platforms and cyber warfare systems to develop not only conventional but also asymmetrical capabilities.

The Armed Forces need to train with like-minded countries, including Australia, Canada, France, Japan, New Zealand, and the United States, to familiarize themselves with new doctrines, strategies, and tactics in fighting modern warfare.

Of course, the age of counterinsurgency and counterterrorism should not be completely forgotten. A new set of warfighting skills could further enhance the old and familiar way of dealing with internal security problems.

The internal threat can now be better handled by the National Police, whose manpower has grown more than that of the Armed Forces.

The Western Command and the Northern Command must be expanded and commanded by a competent Air Force general or a Navy flag officer to defend and protect the Kalayaan Island Group and Bajo de Masinloc, respectively.

It is not important to only reorient and retrain, but to instill a new external defense doctrine, a mindset that would prepare for future warfare.

Future military leaders must think outward, more regionally and internationally than the usual counterinsurgency.

Most importantly, the Armed Forces must be trained, equipped, and prepared to confront and defeat the emerging security threats in the region and beyond.

Modernizing the Armed Forces is not only about upgrading soldiers’ skills and their equipment and facilities, but also changing mindsets.

Thus, the Armed Forces must now think, prepare, and train to defend not only the country but also how to preserve regional peace, stability, and prosperity.

The Philippines, after all, is a responsible member of the international community.

Manuel Mogato | April 24, 2026

THE HAGUE — Former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte will face trial for crimes against humanity before the International Criminal Court (ICC), the Pre-Trial Chamber I has ruled after all the charges against him.

In an open court decision, the three pre-trial judges said there are “substantial grounds to believe” that Duterte was “criminally responsible” for the three counts of crimes against humanity brought by the ICC prosecutor against him.

The judges said the crimes were committed as part of a “widespread and systematic attack against a civilian population” in the Philippines between Nov. 1, 2011 to March 16, 2019, in the context of the “war on drugs” campaign.

The pre-trial judges said evidentiary materials indicate Duterte’s control over the execution of the policy, which “directly contributed to the commission of the killings.” (Also read: ICC Appeals Chamber rejects Duterte’s appeal)

ICC prosecutors had earlier accused Duterte of being “individually criminally responsible” for indirect co-perpetration; ordering and inducing; and aiding and abetting in the following counts:

Count 1: Murders in or around Davao City by the Davao Death Squad during the mayoral period

Count 2: Murders of high-value targets during the presidential period

Count 3: Murders and attempted murders in village clearance operations during the presidential period

Duterte’s case would now be transferred to an ICC Trial Chamber.

“The Presidency shall constitute a Trial Chamber which shall be responsible for the conduct of subsequent proceedings, composed of three judges other than those who sat on the Pre-Trial bench,” the ICC said in a statement.

“This will be done in due course and announced via our usual channels.”

The ICC also assured the trials are “fair and impartial,” and Duterte’s camp would have sufficient time to prepare its case, while respecting the rights of victims.

The pre-trial chamber based its decision on the evidence and arguments presented by the ICC Prosecutor and the Defense during the confirmation of charges hearing from Feb. 23 to 27.

Vice President Sara Duterte attending a hearing last September 18, 2024. Photo from House Press and Public Affairs Bureau.

Manuel Mogato | April 23, 2026

MANILA — Nearly 7 billion pesos went in and out in the bank accounts of Vice President Sara Duterte and her husband, lawyer Manases “Mans” Carpio from 2007 to 2025, the Anti-Money Laundering Council (AMLC) told a congressional panel looking into corruption cases.

AMLC Executive Director Ronel Buenaventura said his agency was flagged by private banks on the Vice President’s cash and check deposits and withdrawals more than 400 times since 2007.

Buenaventura said AMLC had investigated these “covered” and “suspicious” transactions under the anti-money laundering law.

“Vice President Sara Duterte’s accounts generated a total of 371 large transactions and 30 suspicious transactions from Oct. 13, 2005 to Jan. 28, 2026, with transaction amounts reaching as high as P55.158 million,” Buenaventura told the House Justice Committee at the resumption of its impeachment hearing.

“The transaction composition is largely driven by credit memos worth P1.41 billion, debit memos worth P1.03 billion, and fund transfers of P521.86 million, followed by time deposit pre-terminations worth P218.74 million and miscellaneous transactions worth P209.29 million,” the AMLC report said.

These bank transactions was inconsistent with what the Vice President reported in her annual statements of assets, liabilities, and net worths from 2007 to 2024.

From 2007 to 2024, Duterte’s net worth grew from 7 million pesos to 88 million pesos. She also failed to disclose money deposited in her bank accounts from 2019 to 2024.

Congresswoman Leila de Lima said the discrepancies were “smoking gun” in the impeachment complaints against the Vice President. (Also read: Vice President runs to the Supreme Court to stop impeachment)

Moreover, former senator Antonio Trillanes IV told the justice panel that he was alerted by an informant who used to be connected with the Vice President, revealing that the Duterte family got more than 180 million pesos from a known drug lord, Sammy Uy, between 2011 and 2013.

The AMLC confirmed that 18 bank transaction records in its possession matched the check deposits credited to Duterte’s accounts.

“We confirm that for all the dates and amounts mentioned, there are similar transactions existing in the AMLC report,” Buenaventura said.

Batangas Congresswoman Gerville Luistro, head of the justice committee noted the AMLC’s observation on the revelations made by Trillanes.

“So for the record, 18 out of 18 transactions randomly selected from the annexes of the Sinumpaang Salaysay of Hon. Trillanes were confirmed by the AMLC, at least to the extent that similar transactions appear in their report,” Luistro said.

Based on the AMLC report, more than 3.7 billion pesos 2.998 billion pesos, flowed into the bank accounts of Vice President Duterte and her husband, Manases Carpio, respectively.

The report also identified 791 million pesos in transactions as having undetermined inflows and outflows. (Also read: “I delivered cash for the Vice President”)

The bank transactions involving other parties’ accounts—where Vice President Sara was identified as beneficiary and/or counterparty—comprised 15 large transactions and one suspicious transaction from June 20, 2006 to April 2, 2025, with amounts reaching up to 7.44 million pesos.

Covered transactions are deposits, withdrawals and fund transfers amounting to more than 500,000 pesos in a single transactions while suspicious transactions were believed to have come from illegal sources regardless of the amount but a pattern of inflows and outflows were noticed.

The Vice President has not responded to the allegations in her bank transactions, but she will travel to several countries for almost a month from April to May.

Screenshot from former President Rodrigo Duterte’s initial appearance before the International Criminal Court last March 15, 2025.

Manuel Mogato | April 23, 2026

THE HAGUE — The International Criminal Court (ICC) Appeals Chamber threw out the appeal of former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, questioning the ICC’s jurisdiction over the Philippines.

In a majority decision, the Appeals Chamber rejected the appeal brought by his lawyer, saying the ICC has acquired jurisdiction over the Philippines when it was still a member from 2011 to 2019. (Also read: ICC Appeals Chamber rejects Duterte’s appeal for interim release)

The Appeals Chamber also observed that the Rome Statute “must be interpreted in a systemic manner and in line with the object and purpose of the Statute, which is to put an end to impunity for the perpetrators of the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole.”

“It ruled that it would be incompatible with this object and purpose to enable a State Party to evade its responsibilities under the Statute by depositing a written notice of withdrawal once it discovers that alleged crimes committed on its territory or by its nationals are being examined by the Prosecution,” the Appeals Chamber said in a statement.

Duterte is the first Asian former leader to face crimes against humanity before the ICC.

He is suspected of the crimes against humanity of murder and attempted murder, allegedly committed as part of a widespread and systematic attack against the Philippines’ population in the context of the “war on drugs” campaign. (Also read: Unmasking Rodrigo Duterte and his Communist Chinese Connection)

The Appeals Chamber’s rejection means Duterte will remain detained at the ICC while awaiting another decision whether to proceed to trial or not.

The ICC Pre-Trial Chamber has rejected Duterte’s appeal in October last year. His lawyers appealed the decision.

The Pre-Trial Chamber has decided the Court may exercise jurisdiction in the Duterte case over the alleged crimes that were committed on the territory of the Republic of the Philippines while it was a State Party to the Rome Statute.

The five-member Appeals Chamber delivered its decision in open Court this week. Duterte was not present in the courtroom as he has waived his right to be present, and was represented by his lawyers.

Secretary of War Pete Hegseth hosts a bilateral meeting with Indonesia Minister of Defense Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin at the Pentagon, Washington, D.C. (handout)

Manuel Mogato | April 24, 2026

WASHINGTON — The United States and Indonesia have signed an defense cooperation agreement on training, modernization, and joint operation, expanding American influence in the Southeast Asian region to counter China’s growing presence and activities in disputed waters in the South China Sea.

The agreement deepens practical military ties in modernization, training and operations while preserving full Indonesian sovereignty and avoiding any permanent U.S. bases, according to an Indonesian defense ministry statement.

The agreement focuses on three core areas: military modernization and capacity building, training and professional military education, and exercises plus operational coordination.

The two countries also plan for more complex special forces drills, advanced maritime and subsurface projects, autonomous systems work, and improved maintenance support for Indonesian equipment.

Indonesia has long hosted the multinational Super Garuda Shield drills, which in 2025 brought together thousands of troops for combined arms, amphibious operations and live-fire training across multiple nations.

The new partnership will increase the scope and frequency of such activities, making them more routine and integrated rather than one-off events.

The agreement also simplified US military aircraft access to Indonesian airspace for emergencies and routine movements.

The defense cooperation partnership was signed by Secretary of War Pete Hegseth and Indonesian Defense Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin during the latter’s visit to Washington.

The agreement was structured to build on years of cooperation without locking either nation into formal alliances.

Indonesia’s “free and active” foreign policy remains intact, allowing it to engage the United States alongside partners such as Australia, China and Russia.

Joe M. Reyes | April 24, 2026

MANILA — Government security forces killed at least 19 Maoist-led rebeles in Negros Occidental in running gunbattles, an Army spokesman said, as the military dismantled a major guerrilla base in the central Philippines.

Colonel Louie Dema-ala, an Army spokesman, said a soldier was also injured in the fighting but is “stable condition.”

“Nineteen NPAs died and one of our troops was wounded,” said Dema-ala, adding the military had encountered a major rebel formation of the Northern Negros Front (NNF).

The first encounter between troops from the 79th Infantry Battalion and the rebels broke out at 3:50 a.m. while the sixth and last one occurred at 1:30 p.m.

Among the rebels killed were Roger Fabillar, known also as alias Jhong and Arnel Tapang, the head of the Special Partisan Unit under the NNF.

“The neutralization of Fabillar delivers a powerful message that VISCOM will relentlessly pursue those who commit atrocities against our people,” said Visayas Command chief Lieutenant General Fernando Reyeg.

Reyeg said the incident was “detrimental to their (NPA) efforts to regain foothold in Northern Negros.”

He said the series of armed encounter “weakens their ability to sow terror and fear among our people in the area.”

The military said Fabillar is behind the killing of several civilians in Toboso and Escalante City, also in Negros Occidental. The government has offered a P1 million for information that would lead to his arrest.

Photo taken from Japan Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s X account.

Manuel Mogato | April 23, 2026

TOKYO/MANILA — Japan’s Prime Minister Takaichi Sanae has eased restrictions on the overseas transfer of defense equipment, which now includes lethal weapons, a major turning point in Japan’s security policy.

At a recent Cabinet and National Security Council meeting, officials revised Japan’s three principles on the overseas transfer of defense equipment and their implementation guidelines, a move welcome by many Southeast Asian states.

The new rules will now allow Japan to export vessels and missiles to countries in Southeast Asia, helping them strengthen deterrence against China’s growing influence in the region. (Also read: Friends to all, enemies to no one)

In the past, Japan was restricted to export only rescue and transportation equipment, mostly Coast Guard equipment and radar systems.

“All cases will be subject to review by the National Security Council, and they’ll be limited to countries that have concluded relevant agreements with Japan,” according to a Japanese government statement.

Tokyo said it will also strengthen Japan’s monitoring framework for transferred weapons.

Chief Cabinet Secretary Kihara Minoru told journalist about the changes, arguing that no country can protect itself alone.

He said Japan is willing to help maintain peace in one’s country and the region.

“It is important to further promote the transfer of defense equipment and to strengthen the deterrence and response capabilities of allies and like-minded nations,” Kihara said.

Some Southeast Asian nations immediately expressed interest in transfers of Japan’s defense equipment.

The Philippines, for instance, welcomed the change in Japanese weapons export policies. It has been increasingly at odds with China over territorial issues in the South China Sea.

“Our defense partnership with Japanese has entered a new era of working together and with other like-minded partners to secure our individual and collective rights and entitlements under international law through principled advocacy buttressed by deterrence,” Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro Jr. said in a statement.

Teodoro said the policy change “will allow the Philippines to access defense articles of the highest quality and supportability which will not only enable us to strengthen domestic resilience but also to contribute to regional stability through deterrence in a meaningful way.”

The Philippine Navy, in an effort to boost its deterrence capability, is considering acquiring three Abukuma-class destroyer escorts that are due to be retired by Japan’s Maritime Self-Defense Force.

Japan’s Defense Minister Koizumi Shinjiro will hold talks with Teodoro during his visit next month in the Philippines to observe war games with the US and the Philippines.

Indonesia also appears to be interested in acquiring submarines from Japan.

Japan’s defense equipment transfer decision sparks debate

Japan has eased restrictions on the overseas transfer of defense equipment to include lethal weapons. Transfers to active-combat nations are still prohibited, in principle, but there are possible exceptions.

Sources close to the government and ruling parties say that they include cases such as when Japan’s ally, the United States, needs equipment to sustain its forces in the Indo-Pacific region. Another possible scenario is when a like-minded nation is invaded and becomes a party in conflict, Japan may continue to provide support.

Some opposition lawmakers have expressed concern that such moves could assist conflicts and could change Japan’s status as a peace-loving nation.

Manuel Mogato | April 20, 2026

MANILA — When Ferdinand Marcos Jr assumed the presidency in July 2022, he pursued an independent foreign policy, saying the Philippines would be a “friend to all and an enemy to one.”

But the West Philippine Sea issue prevented him from warming relations with China, and his government slid closer to the United States and other Western allies.

After four years in office, Marcos expanded security and economic relations with the United States, Japan, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and some European powers, forging status-of-forces agreements to allow these states to exercise and train in the country.

The annual joint and combined “Balikatan” drills have evolved into a multilateral exercise, separate from the multilateral maritime cooperative activities, which steadily grew from 2024 to about 16 iterations.

Apart from a trilateral deal with the US and Japan, and with the US and Australia, the Philippines also had the SQUAD arrangement with Australia, Japan, and the United States.

The Philippines moved farther from Russia and China, which intensified its bullying tactics in the West Philippine Sea, ignoring international laws, particularly the 2016 decision made by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague.

But the conflict in the Middle East could change the equation. The Philippines was forced to deal with Russia, China, and Iran to ensure a steady supply of petroleum products. (Also read: Thinking out of the box)

The Quad security dialogue among Australia, India, Japan, and the United States, and the AUKUS arrangement among Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States don’t matter anymore to assure countries in the region of a stable supply of oil.

Suddenly, a rival organization, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), based in Beijing, rose to prominence due to the global oil shock.

For instance, Pakistan, one of the 10 SCO member-states, was instrumental in brokering talks to end the conflict between Iran and the United States.

Although no agreement was reached after the initial 21-hour negotiations in Islamabad, there were still hopes that the two sides would reach a deal.

Most of the Arab states — Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates — were also SCO partners, making it important during these times of crisis.

Formed in 2001 as a security, political, economic, and counter-terrorism organization among 10 Euroasian countries, the SCO covers 24 percent of the world’s land area and 42 percent of the global population.

It rose to prominence when the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the QUAD security dialogue distanced themselves from the Middle East conflict.

The fact that most of the Arab states affected by the Iran conflict were part of the 17 SCO partner-states makes it hard for the world to ignore such an organization.

The Iran conflict has thrust the SCO as one of the main centers of the new multi-polar world, capable of countering all present-day threats and challenges.

The Philippines has opened negotiations with Russia for an oil supply deal and with Iran to allow vessels bound to the Philippines safe passage in the Strait of Hormuz.

Marcos said his government is now open to dealing with China for joint oil and gas exploration in the West Philippine Sea, despite protests from some sectors worried about Beijing’s sincerity.

Perhaps, it would help the Philippines if it became an observer or a SCO partner-state, like two other Southeast Asian countries, Cambodia and Myanmar, two of the closest Chinese allies in the region.

Geography binds the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the SCO to cooperate and foster closer relations.

Both organizations share the goal of providing security and stability in the region, as well as promoting trade and investments, economic and development assistance, culture, and tourism.

Tighter coordination and cooperation between ASEAN and SCO would better address regional threats and challenges, like food and energy security, terrorism, and international crime, such as drug, arms, and human trafficking.

As ASEAN chair, the Philippines can enhance the cooperation and coordination between the bloc and the SCO.

ASEAN should resist efforts by the US and its allies to discredit the SCO and bring the bloc behind the Western alliance, defeating its goal as a bridge between NATO and the US on one side, and the SCO on the other.

The SCO has moved from a purely military-focused organization compared to QUAD and AUKUS

By joining the SCO, the Philippines will diversify its relations, balancing its foreign policy with China, India, Pakistan, Russia, Central Asian, and Middle Eastern countries, and its Western allies.

President Marcos would leave behind a legacy of an independent foreign policy by bridging relations with the US-led alliance and the SCO states.

By then, the Philippines can crow about that it is a friend to all and enemy to no one.

Manuel Mogato | April 19, 2026

Zamboanga del Sur — Government troops killed at least 10 Islamist militants during a brief firefight in an intelligence-driven operation in Lanao del Sur, an Army general said.

In a statement, the 1st Infantry “Tabak” Division commander, Major General Yegor Rey Barroquillo Jr. said a senior leader of the outlawed Maute group, an Islamist militant organization aligned with the Islamic State, was killed in the firefight.

“This is not merely a tactical success; it is justice served for every fallen soldier, every grieving family, and every community that suffered under terror, including the victims of the Munai ambush,” Barroquillo said.

He was referring to a January 2026 ambush in Munai, Lanao del Sur, where four soldiers died and another was seriously wounded.

“Our forces have struck a decisive blow, and we will continue forward until enduring peace is fully secured,” he added. The government forces did not suffer any casualties during the surprise raid last week.

The military said residents led troops to the known Islamist militants’ lair in Lanao del Sur.

The combined force of police and military also recovered several firearms, an explosive device, and improvised explosive components in the area.

An infant was found, rescued safely, and given medical attention.

By dismantling the Islamist militants’ leadership core, Barroquillo said the Army demonstrated its firm resolve and operational strength, delivering justice to the fallen and reinforcing its unwavering commitment to achieving lasting peace in Lanao.

Manuel Mogato | April 18, 2026

MANILA — China has installed floating barriers at the mouth of the only entrance to Bajo de Masinloc ahead of a large-scale maritime exercise among the Philippines and its allies in the West Philippine Sea off the coasts of Zambales and Ilocos Norte.

In an exclusive report by Reuters, the news agency obtained satellite images showing Chinese fishing boats and a government vessel at the entrance of the disputed Bajo de Masinloc, and a new floating barrier stretches across the only access to the shoal.

Bajo de Masinloc is one of Southeast Asia’s hotly disputed features in the South China Sea, where many feared that constant friction could lead to an armed conflict. (PODCAST: API Podcast Ep2: China’s ICAD tactics)

China seized control of the traditionally rich fishing ground in 2012 after a three-month standoff with the Philippines. It lies within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone, but China claims it as part of its territory.

Last year, China announced plans to turn Bajo de Masinloc into a national nature reserve, which alarmed the Philippines. Manila has accused Beijing of reclaiming Bajo de Masinloc, similar to what it did to Mischief Reef in 1995.

Rear Admiral Jay Tarriela, a spokesperson for the Philippine coast guard, confirmed the Reuters report, saying China had installed a 352-meter floating barrier at the entrance on April 10 and April 11.

“Six Chinese maritime militia vessels were also observed within the shoal, while three others were spotted outside, seemingly obstructing the entrance to Bajo de Masinloc,” Tarriela said.

“According to our assessment, they consistently exhibit suspicion whenever they monitor a group of Filipino fishing boats,” Tarriela said. (Also read: Philippines says China poisoning with cyanide the waters around BRP Sierra Madre)

In the past, the Coast Guard cut the barriers, but the floating barriers had been removed based on the latest Coast Guard monitoring.

The floating barriers were installed when a group of Filipino fishing boats, escorted by a Coast Guard vessel, was seen near Bajo de Masinloc.

It could also be in response to the Philippines plan to hold maritime exercises with five allies in the West Philippine Sea as part of Balikatan drills next week until May 8.

Two counterlanding drills will also take place in Palawan and Zambales, and a maritime strike, featuring the sinking of an old Navy vessel, will take place in Ilocos Norte.

In January, the US and the Philippines held a bilateral maritime exercise near Bajo de Masinloc, as Manila has increasingly held maritime drills with its allies near the shoal.

Manuel Mogato | April 18, 2026

BEIJING — China protested New Zealand’s aerial patrol over the Yellow Sea and East China Sea, saying it disrupted commercial flights and put at risk its security.

However, a spokesman for the New Zealand Air Force denied China’s accusations, saying the P-8 Poseidon flight was not directed at Beijing, but was part of a United Nations mission to monitor North Korea’s compliance with sanctions.

China said New Zealand’s anti-submarine aircraft had repeatedly harassed its airspace.

In a statement, a spokesperson for China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Guo Jiakun, said that a New Zealand Air Force maritime surveillance aircraft recently conducted repeated close-in reconnaissance and harassment in the airspace over the Yellow Sea and East China Sea.

“The action undermined China’s security interests, increased risks of misunderstanding and miscalculation, and gravely disrupted the order of civil aviation in relevant airspace,” said Guo Jiakun.

Guo Jiakun said China urged New Zealand to abide by international law and basic norms governing international relations, respect China’s sovereignty and security concerns, and maintain the safety and order of civil aviation.

However, a spokesperson for the New Zealand Defence Force said its maritime patrol aircraft had been monitoring the North Korean sanctions evasions in North Asia under UN Security Council resolutions.

“These activities are not directed at China but rather aim to monitor evasions of United Nations sanctions on North Korea, which do occur in the Yellow Sea and East China Sea,” the spokesperson said in a statement, adding it has been helping impose UN sanctions in North Korea since 2018.

“NZDF has reviewed the routes flown and all available information. We have no data that indicates they disrupted civil aviation.”

Photo taken fromUnder Secretary of State for Economic Affairs Jacob S. Helberg’s X account

Manuel Mogato | April 18, 2026

MANILA — The United States has agreed to invest in an industrial park in the Luzon Economic Corridor to strengthen supply chains for critical materials, the US embassy in Manila said.

The hub, the first of its kind, will be designated as an Economic Security Zone, a new model for AI-native investment acceleration hubs being developed under the Pax Silica Initiative to secure inputs vital to supply chains.

The economic security zone is “intended to serve as a staging point for a purpose-built platform for allied manufacturing, an investment acceleration hub where specific industrial activities can be shaped by market demand, host-country comparative advantages, and the evolving needs of the Pax Silica network,” the US embassy said in a statement.

“Through the United States-Philippines Critical Minerals Framework and the Luzon Economic Corridor, and as the two countries commemorate 80 years of diplomatic relations, the two allies are committed to strengthening shared supply chains in critical minerals, semiconductors, electronics, and other goods and attracting high-quality private sector investment critical to Pax Silica.”

The Philippines has recently joined the Pax Silica initiative, launched by the United States and 13 other nations, recognizing a growing geopolitical consensus that economic security is national security and national security is economic security.

The Philippines, a close US treaty ally, brings to Pax Silica key capabilities and human talent in technology manufacturing, including semiconductors and electronics.

Aside from the US and the Philippines, the other signatories to the initiative are Australia, Finland, India, Israel, Japan, Qatar, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, Sweden, the United Arab Emirates, and the United Kingdom.

Department of Trade and Industry Undersecretary and managing head and vice chairperson of the Board of Investments, Ceferino Rodolfo, signed the agreement with US State Department Undersecretary for Economic Affairs Jacob Helberg.

Finance chief Frederick Go, Ambassador to Washington Jose Manuel Romualdez, and BCDA president and CEO Joshua Bingcang witnessed the signing of the agreement.

Photo from Minister Shinjiro Koizumi’s official X account.

Manuel Mogato | April 16, 2026

MANILA — Japan’s defense minister will personally witness the Philippines and its allies sink an old navy warship in northern Luzon as part of the three-week annual combined and joint “Balikatan” exercises, an Army spokesman said.

Shinjiro Koizumi will watch the Japan’s indigenous shore-to-ship missile destroy a moving target in the waters off Ilocos Norte next month, the culmination of military drills among the Philippines, Australia, Canada, France, Japan, and the United States.

Marine Colonel Dennis Hernandez said Japan will display the coordination between its coastal radar system and shore-to-ship, SM-1 Type 88, missile during the drills.

Hernandez said this is the first time Japan will be participating in actual drills with live fire demonstration of its capabilities. (Also read: The Philippines holds Army drills with allies)

“This time they will be participating on the ground, especially in the live fire exercise where they will fire their Type 88 shore-to-ship missile,” said Hernandez, in the maritime strike exercises on May 6 in Paoay, Ilocos Norte.

“No less than the Defense Minister of Japan will observe the activity.”

Hernandez said Japan’s involvement in past Balikatan exercises was limited to humanitarian assistance and disaster response activities. (Also read: PH-Japan deeper cooperation no longer by choice ‘but requirement’ in current climate, say experts)

Two days before the maritime strike, combined and joint allied forces will rehearse a major counter landing drills, testing the combat readiness to repulse an amphibious assault in the same area.

A similar counter landing exercises will be held in Palawan while an integrated air defense missile drills will be held in Zambales, testing the US Marine Air Defense Integrated System (MADIS) and the Navy-Marine Expeditionary Ship Interdiction System (NMESIS).

Hernandes said more than 17,000 troops from the Philippines, Australia, Canada, France, Japan, New Zealand, and United States, will take part in this year’s iteration of Balikatan exercise, beginning Monday. At least 18 other allied countries will join as observers.

He said the multilateral exercises will focus on territorial defense exercise and will be held at various training areas, mostly on mainland Luzon and Palawan.

A multinational naval force will also hold maritime drills in the West Philippine Sea with two Philippine guided-missile frigates, a US cutter and a dock landing ship, two Japanese destroyers and a tank landing ship, and a Canadian frigate.

Hernandez said the number of troops taking part in this year’s Balikatan exercise was second highest since 2023.

Last year’s Balikatan was participated in by around 14,000 personnel.

“Basically, what we have mentioned is 17,000 plus participants. These are participants for the Balikatan exercise coming from the different participating nations or countries,” said Hernandez.

US Marine Colonel Robert Bunn, Balikatan exercise spokesman, said the Balikitan exercise “represents an opportunity to showcase our ironclad alliance with the Philippines and demonstrate our commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific.”

Retired general Eduardo Año took oath as National Security Adviser before President Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. last January 14, 2023. Photo from PCO.

Manuel Mogato | April 15, 2026

MANILA — President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s national security adviser has abruptly left his position, citing health reasons, retired general Eduardo Año said in a statement.

Año, a former Armed Forces chief of staff, was replaced by another former Armed Forces chief of staff, retired general Eduardo Oban Jr, who belonged to the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) class of 1979, the president’s adopted military class.

“I have reached this difficult but necessary decision,” Año, who belonged to PMA class 1983, said in a statement. “In recent months, it has become apparent that I must prioritize my health and well‑being.”

After retiring from military service, Año served as interior and local government secretary under former President Rodrigo Duterte’s Cabinet. He was appointed national security adviser in 2023.

During the pandemic, he had a heart bypass operation and was twice diagnosed with the coronavirus.

As the national security adviser, Año also served asDirector-general of the National Task Force for the West Philippine Sea and the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC).

He also sat in the National Intelligence Board and supervised the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency.

Ano is a seasoned military intelligence officer who served as the commander of the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (ISAFP), the military’s operating intelligence arm.

“I believe it is time to step aside and allow others to lead,” he said in a prepared statement. “An orderly transition is underway, and I am confident that critical operations and ongoing initiatives will continue.”

He said he will leave behind the intelligence organization under retired General Eduardo Oban Jr., who also has an intelligence background as a former commander of the defense department’s intelligence and security group in the late 1980s.

Oban, a fighter pilot, served as chief of staff during Benigno Aquino’s presidency from March to December 2011.

A soldier checks out the FPV drone used during Exercise Salaknib. Photo by US Army Pacific Sgt. Taylor Gray.

Manuel Mogato | April 14, 2026

MANILA — Soldiers from the 3rd Mobile Brigade, 25th Infantry Division of the US Army trained local troops on how to operate small unmanned aircraft system (sUAS), a key component in operationalizing the Philippines’ archipelagic defense concept to protect the nation’s territorial integrity.

After a week of the ongoing Exercise Salaknib in Fort Magsaysay, Nueva Ecija, the combined US and Philippine training conducted hands-on instruction on state-of-the-art platforms to ensure distributed lethality in contested environments.

Colonel Louie Dema-ala, an Army spokesman, said the training participants learned to integrate real-time aerial surveillance data into ground-level tactical decision-making, a critical skill in modern combined arms operations.

The training also featured First-Person View (FPV) drones, as well as the vertical take-off and landing UAS, he added. (Also read: The Philippines Should Integrate Drones into “Tatag Kapuluan”)

In a notable exchange of expertise, Dema-ala said the UAS control station was demonstrated to U.S. Army instructors. (PODCAST: Pilot Ep: Drone Warfare)

“This exchange of technical expertise aligns with the PA’s push for a Self-Reliant Defense Posture (SRDP), ensuring our troops are masters of modern, homegrown, and integrated technologies,” Dema-ala said.

In a related development, Philippine Army and US Army Pacific 25th Infantry Division troops rehearsed individual movement techniques, bolstering the multi-domain readiness and combined lethality of our land forces and serving as a credible deterrent in the region during Exercise Salaknib 2026 at Fort Magsaysay.

Filipino fishermen in small boats continue to catch fish while a Chinese Coast Guard vessel looms over in the background. Photo from BFP Sierra Madre Facebook page.

Manuel Mogato | April 14, 2026

MANILA — The Philippines accused China of trying to poison with cyanide the waters around the grounded naval transport, BRP Sierra Madre, in Ayungin Shoal, a senior National Security Council official said.

In a statement, Assistant Director-General Cornelio Valencia said the Philippine Navy recovered bottles of cyanide from several Chinese “sampan” boats operating in Ayungin Shoal last year.

However, laboratory tests confirmed the presence of cyanide in the seized yellow bottles, Valencia said, accusing the Chinese of trying to sabotage the waters in West Philippine Sea.

“We wish to underscore that the use of cyanide in Ayungin Shoal is a form of sabotage that seeks to kill local fish populations, depriving Navy personnel of a vital food source,” Valencia said.

“The operation of Chinese vessels engaging in activities involving hazardous substances in this area is both irresponsible and unacceptable.” (PODCAST: API Podcast Ep2: China’s ICAD tactics)

Valencia said cyanide can damage the reef which can ultimately compromise LS 57’s structural foundations. “If the reef is severely damaged, it not only threatens LS 57’s stability, it also allows Beijing to fabricate an environmental crisis which it can then blame on the Philippines,” he added.

Valencia also said the deliberate use of cyanide raises serious concerns of illegal and destructive practices. “Such actions, if proven intentional, constitute a blatant violation of Philippine environmental laws, international maritime norms, and the obligations of states under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS),” he added.

The National Security Council said the Ayungin Shoal lies well within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone, where the country exercises sovereign rights and jurisdiction. (Also read: Chinese warship fires flares as Philippine Coast Guard plane patrols in disputed sea)

The National Security Council has also directed the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the Philippine Coast Guard, and all relevant agencies to heighten maritime domain awareness, strengthen patrols, and take all necessary measures to prevent further environmental harm and safeguard national security interests in the area.

“The Philippines will not tolerate any act—whether by state or non-state actors—that endangers its personnel or the marine environment, violates its sovereign rights, or undermines peace and stability in the West Philippine Sea,” Valencia said.

“The government remains resolute in defending the nation’s territory, protecting its natural resources, and upholding the rule of law.”

Screengrab from House of Representatives Livestream

Manuel Mogato | April 14, 2026

MANILA — A former civilian intelligence agent has admitted to the Congress’s Justice panel that the Vice President had asked him to deliver millions of pesos several times to politicians and other officials in several places.

Ramil Madriaga also said he had fronted for the Vice President’s father, former president Rodrigo Duterte, to launder money through his personal bank accounts.

He told lawmakers that he is willing to open his bank accounts to prove that about 1 billion pesos passed through his China Bank accounts for the former president and for the campaign funds of Vice President Sara Duterte in 2022.

“I heard in the news that the Vice President had disbursed 125 million pesos from her confidential and intelligence funds in 11 days in December 2022,” Madriaga told lawmakers at the start of a hearing to determine whether there are probable cause to elevate the impeachment case of Vice President Sara Duterte.

“It was wrong, I disbursed the funds in 24 hours,” he added.

Madriaga has been detained at a police camp in Taguig City after he was charged with kidnapping and illegal detention after a land dispute with the Vice President’s political ally, Harry Roque.

He came forward when the Vice President did not lift a finger to help him. The Vice President is now denying she knew him.

But Madriaga had photos and videos establishing relations with the Vice President, who even greeted him with a video birthday message.

On December 22, Madriaga said he got a call from the Vice President asking him to go to the Department of Education central office and see the security officer, Colonel Dennis Nolasco.

Vice President Sara Duterte-Carpio is the concurrent education secretary, and in December 2022, President Ferdinand Marcos gave her 125 million pesos in confidential and intelligence funds.

Congress has been investigating her for possible corruption, saying she spent 125 million pesos in just 11 days, and state auditors asked her to return 73 million pesos because she could not justify where the money went.

Madriaga said when he went to the education department with three other men, he met with Colonel Nolasco, and they waited for two government-issued vehicles carrying the Vice President’s disbursement officer and another Army colonel.

The colonel and the woman emerged from the van with four duffel bags containing 125 million pesos, which the Vice President received from Marcos.

Madriaga said he was asked to deliver the bags to a politician in Laguna, a lawyer in Quezon City, and two officials from the anti-corruption commission.

Officials from the Philippine Statistics Office, the National Bureau of Investigation, and the state auditors’ commission also testified on possible misuse of the Vice President’s 125 million pesos confidential and intelligence funds.

Lawmakers were trying to determine potential misuse of public funds, a ground for Sara’s impeachment.

During the same hearing, Madriaga got millions of pesos from the former president to purchase 11 high-end motorcycles, including two Ducati and two Harley Davidson motorcycles,

He also received 175 million pesos from a wealthy Chinese businessman who made money during the pandemic. He said the funds were for Sara’s 2022 campaign.

Lawmakers had subpoenaed the anti-money laundering council, the internal revenue chief, and the anti-corruption commission in next week’s hearing to focus on Sara’s ill-gotten wealth.